МАРК РЕГНЕРУС ДОСЛІДЖЕННЯ: Наскільки відрізняються діти, які виросли в одностатевих союзах
РЕЗОЛЮЦІЯ: Громадського обговорення навчальної програми статевого виховання ЧОМУ ФОНД ОЛЕНИ ПІНЧУК І МОЗ УКРАЇНИ ПРОПАГУЮТЬ "СЕКСУАЛЬНІ УРОКИ" ЕКЗИСТЕНЦІЙНО-ПСИХОЛОГІЧНІ ОСНОВИ ПОРУШЕННЯ СТАТЕВОЇ ІДЕНТИЧНОСТІ ПІДЛІТКІВ Батьківський, громадянський рух в Україні закликає МОН зупинити тотальну сексуалізацію дітей і підлітків Відкрите звернення Міністру освіти й науки України - Гриневич Лілії Михайлівні Представництво українського жіноцтва в ООН: низький рівень культури спілкування в соціальних мережах Гендерна антидискримінаційна експертиза може зробити нас моральними рабами ЛІВИЙ МАРКСИЗМ У НОВИХ ПІДРУЧНИКАХ ДЛЯ ШКОЛЯРІВ ВІДКРИТА ЗАЯВА на підтримку позиції Ганни Турчинової та права кожної людини на свободу думки, світогляду та вираження поглядів
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IntroductionThis extract from an article in the ‘New York Times’ newspaper, reinforces what is now beyond dispute, regardless of any ideological objections, that the use of English for international business is firmly established in Europe: ... As European banks and corporations burst national boundaries and go global, many are making English the official corporate language. Two years ago, when France, Germany and Spain merged their aerospace industries into one company, they not only gave it an English name – the European Aeronautic Defense and Space Company, or EADS – they also made English its language. In Germany, the national postal service, Deutsche Post World Net, increasingly uses English as its working language. Smaller companies are doing likewise. In Finland, the elevator maker Kone adopted English in the 1970s; in Italy, Merloni Elettrodomestici, a midsize home appliance maker, did so in the mid-1990s. Management meetings at big banks like Deutsche Bank in Germany and Credit Suisse in Switzerland are routinely in English. ‘‘I can’t give percentages, but now many executives are not Italian – French, English, Danish, Russian and so on’’, said Andrea Prandi, Merloni’s spokesman. ‘‘We consider ourselves a European group. For Europe, the official language is English’’. While there are a number of reasons for the current spread of English both internationally and within Europe, many of these are founded on what Brutt-Griffler terms ‘econcultural’ grounds, i.e., they are the product of the development of a world market and global developments in the fields of science, technology, culture and media (Brutt-Griffler, 2002). Many languages have been used around the world as contact languages for international trade and communication. Within Europe itself, there have been several lingua francas since Roman times, including Greek, Latin, French, German and English. The latter three are currently widely used in parts of Europe, and make up what Graddol refers to as the ‘Big Languages’ in Europe (Graddol, 2000). Nevertheless they are not the only languages used for international communication in Europe with, for example, Russian being used in the newer eastern European nations and the pidgin, or hybrid blend of several Scandinavian languages, ‘Scandinaviska’, used in several northern European countries (Louhiala-Salminen, Charles, & Kankaanranta, 2005). Historically, the development of any language as a lingua franca or pidgin to facilitate communication between speakers of different languages has often been initiated by international commerce or trade. In fact the word ‘pidgin’ is said to be derived from the Chinese pronunciation of the English word business and Pidgin English was the name given to a Chinese–English–Portuguese pidgin used for commerce in Canton during the 18th and 19th centuries. Indeed, in its strictest sense, the term ‘lingua franca’ seems to be equated with a pidgin being a language with no native speakers. The term English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) is generally used in this way to refer exclusively to the use of English between speakers whose mother tongue is not English (Firth, 1996; Seidlhofer, 2001). The term BELF (Business ELF) is also used by some (Louhiala-Salminen et al., 2005) to refer to the use of English for business purposes between speakers whose mother tongue is not English. However, both of these terms exclude a substantial body of communicative events where English is used as a common language both between ELF speakers and between ELF and English as a mother tongue (EMT) speakers. Broader terms such as ‘English as an International Language’ (EIL), along with ‘Global English’ and ‘International English’, seem open to this more flexible and liberal interpretation. Consequently, in this study, the term English for International Business (EIB) is used to refer to the use of English as a common language in business contexts where both EMT and ELF speakers could be present. This study focuses on one such context, where English is used for international meetings in a particular European professional organization, presenting and discussing some of the communication difficulties reported by the meeting participants. This preliminary study will form part of a broader discourse analytic study investigating the linguistic and sociocultural issues involved in using EIB. The initial study will not only inform this second stage of research but also hopefully make a small contribution to the growing body of knowledge on the use of English in Europe and particularly in European business.
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